Berber conforms to the, O’odham pattern—thus, the nucleus of the matrix is an overt verb, appearing in, word. It is properly an internal argument, lexically. Those which are basically non-verbal—e.g., those headed, by P instead of V—will necessarily be transitive in their verbal metamorphasis, (as in (44) above). The specifier, whose projection is a defining feature of the composite, dyadic argument structure configuration, corresponds to the "internal argument". The, transitive, we claim, is formed by embedding the intransitive lexical structure. tendancy which would assume that there is only one direction for all languages, that there is no ambiguity. In O’odham, by contrast, it is overt. examples.” In Muysken and van Riemsdijk, eds., Features and Projections. Specifically, the contrast is, in the use of a fundamentally transitive (O'odham), as opposed to fundamentally, intransitive (English) lexical argument structure in naming the process-types of, The morphology associated with detransitivization of the type just, exemplified is variable across languages. morphology (affixal, or in the form of ablaut). binding of an internal role, since there is only one “role” in both cases, namely, the DP in specifier position. Abstract elements of language are expressed as static arrays of minimal elements which allow their implementation in design of products. between a concept and its name is principled and regular (cf. the one hand, and their arguments, on the other. For one, thing, where derivational morphology is overt, we can see the direction of, derivation (by virtue of the Mirror Principle), and we know from overt. Thus, for example, the existence in principle of the simple transitivity alternation just, discussed is inevitable and invariant for languages generally, in the elemental, theory assumed here, but its expression in actual languages is variable, as we see, from examples considered. ), I demonstrate that their meaning is derived structurally from the position in which they are licensed. ), (Cf., They fitted a house with a roof/roofed a house. Perhaps it is in the nature of the complement X, not just the head, that the, verbs derived from the dyadic structures of (60) are to be distinguished. But, in actual fact, the, situation is less often like the O’odham case just cited than like the actual Miskitu, case. Consider the following O'odham forms: Like many other languages (e.g., Romance), O'odham possesses a large number, of verbs whose "notional" inchoative is derived from the transitive. Guerssel assumes that there is a specific stativising rule, an idea which, seems to us to be convincing, given his discussion. Suppose, then, that (14) is embedded as a complement in another verb of type, Whether a verb of this structure actually exists or not, or whether it, an issue that must eventually be addressed. Following Bittner (1994; and see also Hale and Bittner, 1996) we will assume that, the subject (whether external or raised from an internal position) enters into a “small clause”, relation with the VP predicated of it (cf., Koopman and Sportiche, 1991), adjunct to the VP and, moreover, a “distinguished adjunct” coindexed with the VP, a formal, notation correponding to predication (cf., Williams, 1980). The full explanation will require, among other things, an, examination of how lexical items function in sentential syntax and, therefore, a. study of their extended projections by functional categories. arguments for the existence of god mb soft. In this thesis, I focus on some cases where the correlation between meaning and syntax is not as simple as with standard verbs. default realization of the head of the basic dyadic structure (60a)—and, as noted, transitive by virtue of the sentential syntactic structural relation holding between. Our concern here is lexical, however, and, we are therefore concerned primarily with what we take to be the, of an argument, in this case the specifier of (7). Without further modification, the DP argument in both (43) and (44) will, function as the sentential syntactic object, fulfilling the expectations for a, conventional transitive clause. In this latter respect, the situation represented by the argument structure, type attributed to the verbs of (1) can be contrasted with the configurations, We are concerned here just with the structure following the parenthetic verb, (itself irrelvant to the immediate issue). Thus, in English, a, noun belongs to the lexical category extended in sentential syntax by Num (number), D. (determiner) and K (case), while a verb belongs to the category extended by I(nfl) and C(omp). The DP occupying specifier position in (7) is a nominal, construction licensed in part by the determiner (D) projection which dominates, it. The direction of derivation here is rather clearly transitivization, deriving, Predicators in this class occur in two stativity classes; (45) involves a stative example. The derived transitives appear to involve additive morphology, as if in, perfect conformity with the Mirror Principle (Baker, 1985); the intransitive, morphology appears innermost, coinciding with the first use of Merge and, conflation, and the transitive morphology appears outermost, coinciding with the, final use of Merge and conflation. And their transitive counterparts are likewise of one, structure. The derived. Transitives and unergatives do not project a specifier, by hypothesis, hence the impossibility of (48). (occupied here by DP). This is simple, and successful, transitivization, a free option in this framework. However, most studies on linguistic iconicity pertain to prosody, sound symbolism, or morphology; syntactic iconicity has been vastly underexplored. Transitivization, as noted, is a free and inescapable possibility, given, by virtue of the fact that a verbal projection may appear as complement in the. Subject Hypothesis”, but it is not internal to the lexical configuration projected by a lexical head. The question is, what explains (51)? The intransitive verbal projections of (6) have the following form: As in the prepositional constructions, the head (V) forms with its complement, (AP) a substructure which demands a specifier (in the manner of a predicate, requiring a subject). Noam Chomsky, more than any other researcher, has radically restructured the study of human language over the past several decades. The possibilities and restrictions observed in the causativization of intransitives have always triggered divisions in their classification beyond the classical unergative-unaccusative distinction. preposition in (3a) is presented diagrammatically in (4): The presence of a specifier argument, of course, is the essential structural, difference between the dyadic lexical configuration of (4) and the monadic, configuration of (2). On the other hand, it is, the category N(oun) which is the natural realization of the complement of P, the. argument in the basic lexical structure attributed to them, ? systems of grammar, it would be miraculous if there were no variability here. Thus, they involve the dyadic (b)-type structure. In Miskitu, for example, there is no obvious nominal source for, unergatives. languages—are derived from a transitive base, as suggested. Members of this class of elements require a specifier, appropriately positioned. I suggest that the aesthetic related to the rules governing these genres was a natural one. Suppose, for example, the inner head P in (22a), were not empty, but rather an overt preposition, say, does not permit incorporation of a noun into these prepositions, nor does it, permit incorporation of bare prepositions into an empty verb. Although it is, homophonous with the passive and reflexive, in the use of interest here, the, derived verbs formed with it are semantically monadic, like standard, inchoatives; the sentential syntactic subject is not agentive, nor is there any, In some languages detransitivization is morphologically unmarked, so, that the transitive and intransitive variants are simply homophonous, as in the, transitivity alternation of English. (though many show Uto-Aztecan derivational morphology). 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